The
Dialectics of Globalization (page
3 of 5)
By Jerry Harris
Nationalist
and Globalist Corporate Base
In
exploring the relationship between the US and Europe we can look
at the economic base of nationalist and transnational corporations.
The economic base of US militarism is composed of corporations protected
from transnational competition through state monopoly contracts
and legal restrictions on sharing key technologies with foreign
partners. The big four weapons manufactures, Lockheed Martin, Boeing,
Northrop Grumman and Raytheon clearly have a national base for production,
profits and employment. Lockheed Martin has 939 facilities in 457
cities spread over 45 US states. In 2003, 78% of its business came
from US government contracts and only 18% from international sales.
(Lockheed Martin) At the 1999 Republican National Convention Lockheed’s
vice-president for corporate strategy boasted he ‘wrote the
Republican Party’s foreign policy platform.’ As the
world’s largest manufacturer of planes Boeing is more diversified
than Lockheed, but their defense related production employs about
83,000 workers in 38 states, and is more profitable and stable than
its commercial arm. (Boeing) Northrop Grumman has production sites
in 44 states and in 2003 it was the third largest Federal contractor
by revenue and the government’s second largest contractor
for information technologies. Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld served
on its advisory board and James Roche, secretary of the air force
spent 20 years as a Northrop executive. (Northrop Grumman) Lastly,
Raytheon maintains 79 facilities located in 24 states. In the Defense
Appropriations Bill of 2002 it was included in 450 major programs
and has a backlog of over 4,000 military funded projects. (Raytheon)
All of these corporations have benefited from the large increases
in defense and homeland security spending under the Bush administration.
The
picture is very different when we investigate transnational corporations
(TNCs). The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTD)
has developed a transnationality index that ranks corporations by
three ratios: foreign held assets to total assets, foreign employment
to total employment and foreign sales to total sales. For the top
100 TNCs the average overall ratio was 59.4. (UNCTD 5) No European
or US weapons manufacturers listed in the top 100. Not only are
well over half of assets, employment and sales outside the country
of origin but many of these assets are held in joint ventures or
equity deals involving corporations of different countries. Also
common are webs of technological and product alliances that cross
national boundaries. The results of this integration are accumulation
strategies that encompass multiple national relationships as each
TNC seeks the right combination of cross border factors to establish
themselves as a global monopoly.
Capitalists
who control transnational corporations compose the most powerful
economic and political sector of the bourgeoisie. Any current class
analysis must recognize this concentration of power and its domination
over nationally based capital. Nationalist politics may have a broader
political base of support but nationalism is no longer a leading
ideological current among the capitalist class. Even the success
of national champions, while still important, occupies a diminished
economic and political sphere relative to TNCs.
We
can take a brief look at German capital to understand the dominant
position of the globalist wing. Among the 30 largest German corporations
11 appeared among the world’s top 100 non-financial TNCs in
2001. The following chart shows their world position rank by foreign
assets and their transnationality index (TNI).
GERMAN
TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS
(UNCTD, World Investment Report 2003, page 187.) |
Corporation |
World
Ranking in TNI |
Foreign
Held Assets |
Deutsche
Telekom |
5 |
82
|
Volkswagen |
15 |
51
|
E.On |
20 |
86
|
RWE
|
22 |
81
|
BMW |
27 |
60
|
DaimlerChrysler |
35
|
97
|
BASF |
40
|
54
|
Deutsche
Post |
41
|
96
|
Bayer |
42 |
58
|
Thyssenkrupp |
74
|
71
|
Bertelsmann |
80
|
43
|
Clearly evident is that the most powerful German corporations have
a majority of their economic interests outside of Germany. BASF
describes itself as a “transnational company focused primarily
on Europe, the USA, Latin America and the Far East.” Of its
14 most important sites only two are in Germany with three in the
US. (BASF) Bayer defines itself in similar terms writing “the
cornerstone of our business activities are in Europe, N. America
and the Far East.” Bayer owns 350 companies operating on all
continents with its combined European sales representing just 40%
of its totals. (Bayer) DamilerChrysler, describes itself a “truly
global company” with a “global workforce and a global
shareholder base.” It operates manufacturing sites in 17 countries
and sells its stocks in Frankfort, New York and Tokyo. (DamilerChrysler)
Siemens, which just missed the 100 list in 2001, is the world’s
largest electrical engineering and electronics company with economic
interests in 190 countries and 600 manufacturing sites. About 60%
of its workforce is employed outside Germany and it operates in
all 50 states of the US. (Siemens) With 70,000 workers Siemens is
now among the top 100 employers in America, while over the past
12 years its German workforce has dropped by 86,000.
The
European capitalist class doesn’t want to out compete America
in some replay of nation-centric industrial era politics. The economies
are co-dependent because the globalist structure of accumulation
integrates national capital, labor and resources into a world wide
web of production and profits. Of course competitions continues,
but not through national networks and identities, but through transnationalized
corporations creating the most integrated and competitive structures.
TNCs are political invested in the stability of every market and
interpenetrated with global capital through stock ownership, equity
holdings, merges and acquisitions. True, TNCs will use their national
origin to protect their markets with appeals to protectionist policies.
But from a global perspective it becomes one competitive tool used
in one market. More >>
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