The Promise and Peril of the Third
Wave: Socialism and Democracy for the 21st Century
(page 4 of 7)
By Carl Davidson, Ivan Handler and Jerry Harris
The Chicago Third Wave Study Group / May 1, 1993
Was there any alternative?
Could socialism build a democratic, open and participatory
society based on industrial principals? Although both the
Soviets and Chinese experimented at different times with worker-controlled
factory committees, worker congresses and collective management,
the authoritarian patterns of managerial hierarchy always
reasserted themselves; they were imbedded in the organization
of work on the factory floor. Thus these relations could not
be permanently transformed while trapped inside the second-wave
industrial economic base. The very design of large scale production
enforced its own organizational logic.
Second-wave industrialism
not only engendered mass society, but also had encoded on
its structure forms of mass domination. The centralization
of information necessary to run huge firms was best done with
a concentration of authority in the hands of a specialized
hierarchy. In both East and West, this was touted as the most
efficient and scientific form of production, although not
necessarily the most democratic.
Within this context,
it became extremely difficult to permanently build a democratic
socialism, although the tension between democracy and centralization
existed for a long time. Under Lenin, the Bolsheviks certainly
had relatively open and free wheeling political debates, rather
than a standardization of thought. And Lenin became more acutely
aware of the dangers of bureaucracy as they emerged towards
the end of his life. After Lenin's death, the theoretical
and programmatic effort to launch an alternative to the abuses
of industrial socialism was best defined by Bukharin, who,
along with Lenin, was the main theoretician of the Third International
on a world scale and of the New Economic Program (NEP) in
the Soviet Union itself.
In fact, the most
vital debate from the late 1920s through the 1930s was not
between Stalin and Trotsky, but between Bukharin and Stalin.
For Bukharin the
NEP was more than a temporary adjustment or retreat. Instead
it was a strategic plan to build socialism through a balance
between rural and urban economies. Bukharin defined this as
"dynamic economic equilibrium" in which the growth
of industry was geared to the growth of agriculture, instead
of its one-sided exploitation. This view reserved an important
role for the market, and saw class struggle mainly as managed,
peaceful competition between larger state enterprises and
the smaller private sector.
For the Stalinists,
rapid concentration, centralization, and forced growth at
gunpoint were the means that would win the class struggle
for their variety of socialism. Class differences were to
be forcibly eliminated, rather than peacefully managed. This
path was certainly not inevitable, but the global and historic
context of the industrial era was an important factor in developing,
supporting, and rationalizing the Stalinist economic plan.
We believe revolutionaries
who are genuinely progressive and democratic must reconstruct
society with the people, tools and materials bequeathed to
them by history. We oppose the forced march of armed utopias
and their attendant gulags. But we also believe the old state
and industrial patterns and methods of command cannot simply
be taken over and put to good use by new elites.
The capitalists
launched the industrial revolution and became the new global
masters because they dominated and developed the new industrial
economic base of manufacturing. They did not base their revolutions
primarily on a seizure of the feudal manors and landed estates
of the old agricultural societies. The socialists of the second
wave, however, have been ambivalent. On one hand, they based
themselves on the advanced, rising class, the proletariat.
The working class was the most advanced, not because of what
it thought at any given time, but because it was part of the
most advanced productive forces and thus had the ability to
remake society. On the other hand, they attempted to build
a new world mainly by expanding the old unsustainable, second
wave industrial base, rather than by nurturing a new historic
economic order out of the most advanced achievements of the
second wave.
In this way, Marxism
spawned two visions of the future classless society. In one,
all classes were to be abolished except the proletariat; all
society was to be industrialized and proletarianized under
the hegemony of the working class. The proletarian ideological
line is dominant over all forms of science, art and politics.
In the other, all classes, including the working class, were
to wither away through the gradual but steady abolition of
toil brought about by the revolutionary advance of the productive
forces. All ideology and politics is subordinate to freedom
of scientific inquiry, tolerance of diversity and the expansion
of universal human rights.
We affirm the latter
view. We also believe it is more in keeping with Marx's early
conception of the proletariat as the class bound with radical
chains, so that by freeing and abolishing itself, it also
liberated all humanity from all forms of oppression. What
is needed to accomplish this is political power in the hands
of the masses plus the technology of the third wave. Third
wave production is automated and cybernated, making it possible
to revolutionize hierarchy and democratize access to information.
It rests on a sustainable technology, which diversifies production
and accelerates the generation of knowledge. In effect, it
is a new economic base, which develops its own principles
of society and culture making a sustainable and democratic
socialism workable. In fact, post-industrial, third wave socialism
may be the only socialism truly possible.
Our Vision
Our vision for
making this transition is first of all centered on a vision
of the renewal of democracy. We see democracy not only as
a political and ethical value. It is deeply connected to the
development of a progressive and scientific economics as well.
Any economic program
worthy of being called popular and democratic, let alone socialist,
must meet the standards of ecological sustainability. Any
economic program that attempts to serve the present through
the unrestricted looting of the resources of future generations
can only be called reactionary and dooms us to strategic failure.
It also opposes the basic principles espoused by Marx and
Engels in the Communist Manifesto, where they insisted that
communists distinguish themselves by taking care of the future
within the movement of the present and by affirming the unity
of the workers and democratic forces of all countries above
any particular national or sectoral interest. In this sense,
the founders of scientific socialism were the forerunners
of the "Think Globally, Act Locally" slogan embraced
by today's Greens.
But sustainable
economics in today's world requires ongoing advances in science
and technology. Science in turn both embodies and requires
free and open inquiry, a democratic civil society affirming
tolerance and respect for diversity. Under theocratic domination--whether
of the medieval, fascist or secular Stalinist- Maoist varieties--scientific
progress is stifled. More >>