Town
Meetings on Technology: Denmark's Experience with the Consensus
Conference
(page 1 of 2)
By Richard Sclove Technology Review
In a democracy,
it normally goes without saying that policy decisions affecting
all citizens should be made democratically. Science and technology
policies loom as grand exceptions to this rule. They certainly
affect all citizens profoundly: the world is continuously
remade with advances in telecommunications, computers, materials
science, weaponry, biotechnology, home appliances, energy
production, air and ground transportation, and environmental
and medical understanding. Yet policies are customarily framed
by representatives of just three groups: business, the military,
and universities. These are the groups invited to testify
at congressional hearings, serve on government advisory panels,
and prepare influential policy studies.
According
to conventional wisdom, the reason for this state of affairs
is that nonexperts are ill-equipped to comment on complex
technical matters and probably wouldn't want to anyway. But
the success of an innovative European process dubbed the consensus
conference has begun to shed new light on the subject. Pioneered
during the late 1980s by the Danish Board of Technology, a
parliamentary agency charged with assessing technologies,
the process is intended to stimulate broad and intelligent
social debate on technological issues. Not only are laypeople
elevated to positions of preeminence, but a carefully planned
program of reading and discussion culminating in a forum open
to the public ensures that they become well-informed prior
to rendering judgment. Both the forum and the subsequent judgment,
written up in a formal report, become a focus of intense national
attention--usually at a time when the issue at hand is due
to come before Parliament. Though consensus conferences are
hardly mea public policy, they do give legislators some sense
of where the people who elected them might stand on important
questions. They can also help industry steer clear of new
products or processes that are likely to spark public opposition.
Since
1987 the Board of Technology has organized 12 consensus conferences
on topics ranging from genetic engineering to educational
technology, food irradiation, air pollution, human infertility,
sustainable agriculture, and the future of private automobiles.
And the board's achievements have recently led to new incarnations
of the Danish process--twice in the Netherlands and once in
the United Kingdom. Other European nations, as well as the
European Union, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia, are actively
considering consensus conferences as well.
Ironically,
the process is gaining popularity just as the U.S. Congress
has abolished its Office of Technology Assessment (OTA), whose
establishment in 1972 helped motivate Europeans to develop
their own technology assessment agencies. But the truth is
that when the OTA faced the chopping block, those rallying
to its defense were primarily a small cadre of professional
policy analysts or other experts who had themselves participated
in OTA studies--hardly a sizable cross-section of the American
public. By contrast, a consensus conference format, which
engages a much wider range of people, holds the potential
to build a broader constituency familiar with and supportive
of technology assessment. And there is no reason why the United
States could not adapt the process.
Framing
the Issues
To organize
a consensus conference, the Danish Board of Technology first
selects a salient topic--one that is of social concern, pertinent
to upcoming parliamentary deliberations, and complex, requiring
judgment on such diverse matters as ethics, disputed scientific
claims, and government policy. The board has also found that
topics suited to the consensus conference format should be
intermediate in scope--broader than assessing the toxicity
of a single chemical, for instance, but narrower than trying
to formulate a comprehensive national environmental strategy.
The board then chooses a well-balanced steering committee
to oversee the organization of the conference; a typical committee
might include an academic scientist, an industry researcher,
a trade unionist, a representative of a public interest group,
and a project manager from the board's own professional staff.
With the
topic in hand and the steering committee on deck, the board
advertises in local newspapers throughout Denmark for volunteer
lay participants. Candidates must send in a one-page letter
describing their backgrounds and their reasons for wanting
to participate. From the 100 to 200 replies that it receives,
the board chooses a panel of about 15 people who roughly represent
the demographic breadth of the Danish population and who lack
significant prior knowledge of, or specific interest in, the
topic. Groups include homemakers, office and factory workers,
and garbage collectors as well as university-educated professionals.
They are not, however, intended to comprise a random scientific
sample of the Danish population. After all, each panelist
is literate and motivated enough to have responded in writing
to a newspaper advertisement.
At the
outset of a first preparatory weekend meeting, the lay group,
with the help of a skilled facilitator, discusses an expert
background paper commissioned by the board and screened by
the steering committee that maps the political terrain surrounding
the chosen topic. The lay group next begins formulating questions
to be addressed during the public forum. Based on the lay
panel's questions, the board goes on to assemble an expert
panel that includes not only credentialed scientific and technical
experts but also experts in ethics or social science and knowledgeable
representatives of stakeholder groups such as trade unions,
industry, and environmental organizations.
The lay
group then meets for a second preparatory weekend, during
which members, again with the facilitator's help, discuss
more background readings provided by the steering committee,
refine their questions, and, if they want, suggest additions
to or deletions from the expert panel. Afterward, the board
finalizes selection of the expert panel and asks its members
to prepare succinct oral and written responses to the lay
group's questions, expressing themselves in language that
laypeople will understand.
The concluding
public forum, normally a four-day event chaired by the facilitator
who presided over the preparatory weekends, brings the lay
and expert panels together and draws the media, members of
Parliament, and interested Danish citizens. On the first day
each expert speaks for 20 to 30 minutes and then addresses
follow-on questions from the lay panel and, if time allows,
the audience. Afterward, the lay group retires to discuss
what it has heard. On the second day the lay group publicly
cross-examines the expert panel in order to fill in gaps and
probe further into areas of disagreement.
Once cross-examination
has been completed, the experts are politely dismissed. The
remainder of that day and on through the third, the lay group
prepares its report, summarizing the issues on which it could
reach consensus and identifying any remaining points of disagreement.
The board provides secretarial and editing assistance, but
the lay panel retains full control over the report's content.
On the fourth and final day, the expert group has a brief
opportunity to correct outright factual misstatements in the
report, but not to comment on the document's substance. Directly
afterward, the lay group presents its report at a national
press conference.
Lay panel
reports are typically 15 to 30 pages long, clearly reasoned,
and nuanced in judgment. The report from the 1992 Danish conference
on genetically engineered animals is a case in point, showing
a perspective that is neither pro- nor anti-technology in
any general sense. The panel expressed concern that patenting
animals could deepen the risk of their being treated purely
as objects. Members also feared that objectification of animals
could be a step down a slippery slope toward objectification
of people. Regarding the possible ecological consequences
of releasing genetically altered animals into the wild, they
noted that such animals could dominate or out-compete wild
species or transfer unwanted characteristics to them. On the
other hand, the group saw no appreciable ecological hazard
in releasing genetically engineered cows or other large domestic
animals into fenced fields, and endorsed deep-freezing animal
sperm cells and eggs to help preserve biodiversity.
Portions
of lay panel reports can be incisive and impassioned as well,
especially in comparison with the circumspection and dry language
that is conventional in expert policy analyses. Having noted
that the "idea of genetic normalcy, once far-fetched,
is drawing close with the development of a full genetic map,"
a 1988 OTA study of human genome research concluded blandly
that "concepts of what is normal will always be influenced
by cultural variations"; in contrast, a 1989 Danish consensus
panel on the same subject recalled the "frightening"
eugenic programs of the 1930s and worried that "the possibility
of diagnosing fetuses earlier and earlier in pregnancy in
order to find genetic defects' creates the risk of an unacceptable
perception of man--a perception according to which we aspire
to be perfect." The lay group went on to appeal for further
popular debate on the concept of normalcy. Fearing that parents
might one day seek abortions upon learning was, say, color
blind or left-handed, 14 of the panel's 15 members also requested
legislation that would make fetal screening for such conditions
illegal under most circumstances.
This central
concern with social issues becomes much more likely when expert
testimony is integrated with everyday citizen perspectives.
For instance, while the executive summary of the OTA study
on human genome research states that "the core issue"
is how to divide up resources so that genome research is balanced
against other kinds of biomedical and biological research,
the Danish consensus conference report, prepared by people
whose lives are not intimately bound up in the funding dramas
of university and national laboratories, opens with a succinct
statement of social concerns, ethical judgments, and political
recommendations. And these perspectives are integrated into
virtually every succeeding page, whereas the OTA study discusses
ethics only in a single discrete chapter on the subject. The
Danish consensus conference report concludes with a call for
more school instruction in "subjects such as biology,
religion, philosophy, and social science"; better popular
dis "immediately understandable" information about
genetics; and vigorous government efforts to promote the broadest
possible popular discussion of "technological and ethical
issues." The corresponding OTA study does not even consider
such ideas.
When the Danish
lay group did address the matter of how to divide up resources,
they differed significantly from the OTA investigators. Rather
than focusing solely on balancing different kinds of biomedical
and biological research against one another, they supported basic
research in genetics but also called for more research on the
interplay between environmental factors and genetic inheritance,
and more research on the social consequences of science. They
challenged the quest for exotic technical fixes for disease and
social problems, pointing out that many proven measures for protecting
health and bettering social conditions and work environments are
not being applied. Finally, they recommended a more "humanistic
and interdisciplinary" national research portfolio that would
stimulate a constructive exchange of ideas about research repercussions
and permit "the soul to come along." More
>>