The Electronic
Revolution and the New Class of the Structurally Unemployed
(page 2 of 2)
By Nelson Peery / National Organizing Committee
A
more concrete look will show different things. First,
that the new productive equipment was polarizing wealth
and poverty as never before. Absolute wealth in the
form of 120 billionaires and absolute poverty in the
form of homelessness are new to our country. The second
polarization was the increase in production accompanied
by an increase of unemployment and joblessness.
The
Underclass' as a New Class
More
important, a concrete look will show that the so-called
underclass is, in fact, a new class. History shows us
that each qualitatively new means of production creates
a new class. Previously, each new class has been the
owners or operators of the new equipment. This new class,
created by robotics, is not simply driven out of industry,
it is driven out of bourgeois society. There is a historic
parallel.
It
might be noted here that Marx made a little historical
or perhaps semantic error naming the industrial working
class the "proletariat." The Roman proletariat,
once a working class, was driven from the workplace
by the introduction of slavery. They ended up absolutely
destitute and outside of Roman society. They were fed
by the state and in exchange produced babies who would
grow up to be soldiers. The proletariat did not and
could not work because they could not compete with the
labor of slaves. The comparison is clear. We are witnessing
the creation of a real, if modern, proletariat.
Further,
and perhaps more importantly, it should be noted that
in history, no system has ever been overthrown by an
internal class. The feudal system was overthrown by
the classes outside the system, not by the serfs. The
concept of class struggle has been convoluted to express
the struggle for reform which is the only possible social
struggle between two classes internal to society. Class
struggle begins when qualitatively new means of production
bring about an economic revolution and the economic
revolution forces a social revolution. The struggle
of the old, reactionary classes inside society against
the new class outside society over who is going to create
the new social order is the class struggle.
The
social system is under attack as the electronic revolution
destroys its economic underpinning. This underpinning
is value created by the expenditure of human labor.
In proportion to the use of robotics, the new system
becomes more productive and more unable to distribute
that production. The modern proletariat has no choice
but to join with the robot in the final assault against
the existing social and economic order. We are not facing
a recurrence of the Egyptian or ancient Chinese collapse
of civilization. On the contrary, we stand at the end
of pre-history. Wageless production cannot be distributed
with money. The contradiction between the modes of production
and exchange has reached its limits. Production without
wages inevitably results in distribution without money.
This objective economic demand will sweep aside any
subjective or political system that cannot conform to
it.
Communism
moves from this subjective arena of the political and
ideological into the realm of the objective.
The
Decisive Role of Consciousness
Since
there are no concrete economic connections between today
and tomorrow, consciousness plays the decisive role
in this coming revolution. We must consciously fight
for the future. Blind rage against the ongoing destruction
of life will not change it. This future will not evolve
automatically as did the rosy dawn of capitalism.
How
will the movement acquire this decisive consciousness?
As with all changes of quality, it must be introduced
from the outside. An organization must be built for
the specific purpose of bringing this consciousness
to this new class and not only to the new class. Since
we are entering a social revolution, this message must
be taken out to all of society. Filling our future with
a content made possible by the marvelous new means of
production depends entirely on the leadership of an
organization of visionaries capable of arousing and
enthusing the masses.
Philosophers
of ancient Greece declared that their slave system was
necessary in order to allow another class of people
leisure time to create the culture and education necessary
to uplift society. Economic and social contradictions
within their system brought human slavery to an end.
Today, in the robot, we have an efficient and willing
producer capable of freeing up the totality of humanity
so that they may fully commit themselves to the age-old
struggle for a cultured, orderly and peaceful life.
Does
it take much genius to see that the social and moral
ills of our time are the results of controlled scarcity?
Does it take genius to understand that abundance, which
today is the cause of starvation and misery, will be
the foundation for tomorrow's leap into a new and orderly
society? Does it take genius to see that privilege and
all its hateful ideologies can only be and will be overcome
by unfettered abundance?
Visionaries,
unlike dreamers, proceed from the real world. Any person
who has been forced onto the streets by the private
use of robotics cannot help but visualize the possible
world wherein robotics is used for the benefit of society
rather than by individuals whose only interest is profit.
Yesteryear's dreamers were the destitute, the exploited,
the downtrodden. The visionaries were the owners of
the new mechanical means of production. Today the world
stands on its feet. The visionaries are those who have
been driven from the factory and from society by those
who own the more efficient electronic means of production.
They visualize their social liberation, the happy prosperous
future if only they could collectively own and direct
the instruments of production that are destroying them.
The dreamers are those wallowing in increasingly valueless
wealth, still believing that wageless production can
be circulated with money.
Humanity
stands at its historic juncture. Can we, who understand
today, visualize tomorrow with enough clarity to accept
the historic responsibilities of visionaries and revolutionaries?
I think so. Humanity has never failed to make reality
from possibilities created by each great advance in
the means of production. This time there is no alternative
to stepping across that nodal line and seizing tomorrow.
I
don't think anybody here can doubt that we are in the
midst of an economic revolution, and I don't think any
of us an doubt that every economic revolution has compelled
a social revolution to take place. We have a different
view of the process of history than we had 10 or 15
years ago.
What's
going to happen as this society is being torn down?
The ills of our society are the results of social destruction.
They are not causing social destruction. A new society
is going to have to be built that conforms to the new
economic realities.
A
society is a unity of production and distribution. There
is no other reason to have a society. The point that
we've got to grapple with, the thing that we've got
to come to grips with, is what kind of society is going
to be built on the basis of this new technology?
Newt
Gingrich is on the loose. He represents a certain outlook.
At the end of that outlook is an electronic fascism
to control the mass of people. The other side of it
is that we have got to do something to take back our
country, and the only way we can do it is to create
a communal or, if you choose, a communist, society based
upon these new means of production which produce without
wages and so therefore they cannot distribute with money.
The money is going to have to go out of existence.
Lastly,
I just want to say this. These people are not playing.
They intend to clamp a fascist dictatorship on this
country because the poor are beginning to come together,
little by little. There is a new ideology arising in
America, an ideology that is very primitive, but an
ideology nonetheless. It's the ideology of them and
us, of rich and poor. And Los Angeles 1992 was only
a wake up call in this respect. We have got to get our
act together and take care of ourselves and take care
of America. I think enough of this country to believe
it should be saved and I know it cannot be saved except
by revolution.
Nelson
Peery has been an active revolutionary since the 1930s
and helped to found the League of Revolutionaries for
a New America. His most recent book is the memoir Black
Fire: The Making of an American Revolutionary (The New
Press: New York, 1994).