To
Be Or Not To Be: The Nation Centric World Order Under Globalization
By Jerry Harris
Nation centric forms
still exist in all social, political and economic arenas, and they
have a particularly strong hold ideologically, within popular consciousness
and in concepts of how the world functions. There are also real
existing material benefits connected to the remnants of the old
system in all classes throughout society. But all this is under
unending attack and change from the new form of accumulation that
creates its own alternate relationships, benefits and concepts.
This period of transitional instability constitutes the basis of
struggle and conflict in the world today, creating a situation of
disequilibrium between the descending and ascending forms of accumulation.
As cities,
regions and countries transform their structures to insert their
economies and social institutions into patterns of global production
contradictions between the national and transnational erupt. Most
often this process is viewed from a national perspective, as if
new policies are forced upon actors incased in a national cocoon
reacting to outside forces such as China stealing jobs or immigrants
flooding across the border. But the outside is inside. There is
no real separation, the process is interconnected and driven by
a national remolding to the new transnational economy. True, the
emerging relationships are mediated by local conditions, the political
balance of forces and previously existing structures. But the real
push for change comes from the transnational capitalist class inside
the national structure not just outside pressure forcing its will
on the nation.
Therefore we
can no longer study national conditions without their interconnectness
to the transnational. Each nation is at a different stage of transformation,
each facing a host of particular issues. Previously existing unequal
relationships between the North and South, the size and strength
of different classes, the particularities of national institutions,
the level of social subsidies, economic infrastructure and political
legacy create an array of different responses. All of the historic
relationships that were born within each nation/state help codetermine
the emerging dialectic. Only by recognizing this uneven development
can we begin to understand the specific ways globalization is emerging.
Eventually a structural
synthesis will emerge that will lead to the relative institutional
stability of a new era. The last structural synthesis produced the
institutions of industrial capitalism and the Fordist model of accumulation
that arose in opposition to the remnants of the landed gentry and
mercantile capitalism. That era was punctuated by many major upheavals.
Imperialist rivalries, World War I and II, the Soviet and Chinese
revolutions, wars of national liberation and the Great Depression,
but all of these reflected contradictions within the industrial
capitalist framework. Even the socialist alternative was conceived
within the structural limitations of industrialism and the existing
international market.
But the transnational
era emerging today is a structural shift in the forms of accumulation
and social organization that undermine the Fordist model and do
away with the decisive role played by the electro/mechanical technology
of the industrial era. While capitalism has always been an expansionary
system the digital/information revolution is the current framework
through which this logic unfolds. The embedding of microprocessors
in the tools of production and communication has allowed capitalism
to reorganize itself on a qualitatively more integrated level. The
entire global financial network, the world spanning command and
control system of production and the communication and delivery
of hegemonic cultural values are all accomplished with the digital/informational
transformation of technology. More
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